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          Kyoto Journal (The Cult of Site &  Representation)            | 
          Dec  24, 1993             | 
         
       
       
       
       
      Huang Shan: The Cult of Site  (Sight) & Representation 
         
        James Robson
       
                A mountain has water as blood,  foliage as hair, haze and clouds as its spirit and character.  Thus, a mountain gains life through water, its external beauty  through vegetation and its elegant charm through haze and  clouds. 
        
                Guoxi (1lth century landscape painter) l Paintings  of Huang Shan, the range of bare, precipitous, pine-clad and  mist-hung peaks in southern Anhui province, are seen everywhere  in China today, climbing the mountain is nearly obligatory  for Chinese landscapists, most of whom have done pictures of it, some of them  virtually devoting careers to it.2 
        
               For  hundreds of years mountains in China  have been the objects of widely divergent practices,  ranging from religion to art and politics; in short, mountains  were one of the places where nature and culture met. The earliest  dictionary in China,  from the second century, tells us that mountains were believed to "exhale vital  breath [Ch. qi  Jpn. ki  ], giving birth to the myriad of  things." This understanding of mountains was most likely inspired  by those local communities that lived at the foot of various mountains  and who saw clouds coalesce on their peaks and drop rain that  collected in rivers that in turn flowed down to irrigate their  fields. Mountains, rising up solidly from flat surrounding plains,  also became symbols of stability and durability and were integrated  into imperial rituals as delineators and protectors of the  imperium. These mountains, located at the cardinal directions, came  to be known as the Five Marchmounts (wuyue[ ). 
       
                During the third and fourth centuries CE  Daoists began to frequent mountains which they  considered the abodes of immortals and as repositories of the  necessary ingredients for their alchemical endeavors.  As Buddhism took root in China it copied the native Chinese  classificatory scheme and developed its own mountain cultic  system that considered four mountains as the abodes of bodhisattvas,  these mountains came to be known collectively as the Four  Famous Mountains (sida mingshan). In addition to these  nine mountains, classified by their religious affiliation (Imperial.  Daoist or Buddhist), there is one mountain in China that has  become the most well known solely on the basis of its sublime  beauty: Huang Shan. 
        
                Huang Shan, located in Huizhou prefecture of Anhui  province in southeastern China,  is often referred to as a single mountain but is actually  comprised of thirty-six peaks, the highest being 1800 meters. Among these  peaks. four stand out as the main peaks: Lotus Flower   Peak. Old Man Peak, Start-to-Believe Peak, and Heavenly Citadel Peak. AII of these highly suggestive toponyms  were meant to reflect the unique shapes of Huang Shan's  peaks, and they preserved hints of its prior religious affiliations. 
        
                Huang Shan's religious history stretches  back into China's hazy  mythical past, when it is believed that the legendary Yellow Emperor  went there in search of the elixir of immortality; upon completing  his quest he established that this mountain was to be a  dwelling place for Daoist immortals. Hung Shan also became inhabited by  Buddhists who built their first temple at the base of the  mountain in the eighth century. The Buddhist presence on the  mountain was memorialized in the toponomy of the moun tain,  with the prominent Manjusri Terrace, and Lotus Flower Peak. 
        
                In spite of these vestiges of religion,  Huang Shan, in con tradistinction to the Five  Marchmounts and Four   Famous Mountains,  did not achieve its renown on the basis of pious pilgrims. but  primarily through the works of Chinese artists who were captivated by the  sublimity of the mountain's natural topography.3 Indeed,  Huang Shan became a cult of site that inspired a cult of sight  . 
        
                Xu Xiako's (1588-1641) record of his visit  to Huang Shan in 1618 is an example of how a traveler experienced the mountain with  an aesthetic sentiment rather than a religious piousness: "There  I looked down the vale where peaks and rocks enfolded each  other in all kinds of postures and feasted my eyes on their many  tints."4 Those who came to Huang Shan were drawn by its natural  features, not its religious associations. Huang Shan was the  product of a more secular piety, attracting pilgrims, poets. artists  and essayists to explore and gaze upon its craggy pine scattered peaks. rather  than strive for ecstatic visions of Buddhas and  Bodhisattvas. 
        
                The two main aspects of Huang Shan's  unique landscape which attracted these artists  were the mountains propensity for the coalescence of clouds and  cliffs and its combination of scabrous rocks and gnarled pines. In  response to these images, later generations came to refer to  the four main peaks of the Huang Shan massif as the "Huang  Sea," referring to the sea of clouds floating  and surging about the midriff of the craggy peaks that jut up  out of the clouds as if islands in the sea.5 Huang Shan's rocky cliffs,  interspersed with pines that seem to be clinging tenuously to  its vertical faces. were the models for works that became famous thought China  (and the world for that matter) as the epitome of Chinese landscape painting  of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. 
        
                James Cahill, the noted art historian of  Chinese landscape paintings. has noted that the  landscape paintings of Huang Shan are indicative of a shift from  the religiously inspired monumental landscapes of the Song dynasty  (960-1278) to the predominantly secular, even literati,  landscape renditions of seventeenth century artists like Shitao, Meiqing,  Hungren, and Chengmin.6 Under the influence of these  painters a new movement in Chinese painting was born.  This new school, which took its name Tiandu (Heavenly Citadel) from  one of the main peaks of Huang Shan, painted in a style that  Cahill suggests, "reflects a shift of emotional  commitment from the world of human affairs to the natural  world."7 
        
                Those artists who later came to Huang Shan  were often in a quandary, it seems, as to how  they might be able to represent the vast magnificence of the  mountains unique topography. The Ming dynasty poet and critic  Yuan Zhongdao (1570-1623) commented from his perch on the Refining Cinnabar  Terrace on Huang Shan, "even Wu  Tao-tzu or Ku K'ai-chihgreat painters of  the eightlt and fifth centuries respectivelycouldn't describe one  ten-thousandth of this."8 
        
        Despite this admonition. Huang Shan still  continues to capture the attention of artists, and  essayists. who try in their own unique ways to express the mountain's  unparalleled natural grandeur. Wu-sheng, a contemporary  Chinese landscape photographer, is heir to the long tradition of  artists inspired by the landscape of Huang Shan. Although Wu-sheng  captures images of Huang Shan with a different medium  than his ancient predecessors, his large-format black and white  photographs evoke scenes reminiscent of landscape paintings from  the seventeenth century. The cult of site, and sight. continues.  
      1 .  Trans. by Susan Bush and Hsiao-yen Shih, 'The Landscape Texts," in Early  Chinese Texts on Painting. (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1985), pp.  167. 2. James Cahill, "Huang Shan Paintings as Pilgrimage  Pictures," in Susan Naquin and Chun-Fang Yu eds., Pilgrims and Sacred  Sites in China. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992), pp. 246.  3. See Joseph McDemott, "The  Making of a Chinese Mountain, Huangshan: Politics and Wealth in Chinese Art,"  in Asian Cultural Studies, (Tokyo,  1989). 4. Quoted in Cahill 1992:  252-253. 5. Harriet T. Zurndorfer, Change and Continuity in Chinese  local History: The Development of Hui-chou Prefecture 800-1800. (Leiden: E. J.  Brill, 1989), pp.220. 6. Cahill 1992. 7.  Zurndorfer 1989: 219. 8. Cahill 1992: 252. 
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